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Western Sahara: Nonviolent Intifada; Diplomatic Impasse
AfricaFocus Bulletin
Oct 15, 2008 (0801015)
(Reposted from sources cited below)
Editor's Note
In 1975, as the last prolonged stage of Africa's decolonization
process began with the fall of Portuguese colonialism, Portugal's
neighbor Spain decided to dispose of its colony of Western Sahara
by handing it over to Morocco and Mauritania, defying a World Court
decision in favor of self-determination. For thirty-three years,
Morocco has continued its occupation, with military and diplomatic
support from the United States and France.
Most recently, both the diplomatic and military balance have tipped
even more deeply against the right to self-determination for
Africa's last colony. On October 6, five former U.S. ambassadors to
Morocco, under Reagan, George Bush, Clinton, and George W. Bush,
lauded a declaration by UN envoy Peter van Walsum that independence
was out of the question, and that negotiations should be based on
Morocco's latest "autonomy" plan (see http://tinyurl.com/4j4pgh;
for critiques see http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Sahara-Update).
That conclusion is still contested, however, both in Western Sahara
and outside the country. Western Sahara, although it is occupied by
Morocco, is a member of the African Union, while Morocco withdrew
from the AU's predecessor Organization of African Unity in 1984 and
has not yet returned.
This AfricaFocus Bulletin contains excerpts from a commentary by
Stephen Zunes on the announcement of the Robert F. Kennedy Human
Rights Award to Aminatou Haidar, a nonviolent activist from Western
Sahara and a key leader in her nation's struggle against the
33-year-old U.S.-backed Moroccan occupation of her country.
Also included are excerpts from the October 10, 2008 debate in the
United Nations General Assembly's Fourth Committee, on
decolonization, with statements by Morocco, Algeria, and other
African countries.
For previous articles by Stephen Zunes on Western Sahara, see
http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/1560 (2003) and
http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/4410 (2003)
The most comprehensive sites for current news and commentary on
Western Sahara, in English, Spanish, and French, are
http://www.arso.org, http://saharaoccidental.blogspot.com, and
http://www.vest-sahara.no
For information on the role of the United Nations, see the Global
Policy Forum background pages at http://tinyurl.com/535bys and the
United Nations mission website at http://www.minurso.unlb.org/mission.html
For additional background links visit
http://www.africafocus.org/country/westernsahara.php
For a well-informed account of the Western Sahara conflict, with an
introduction by Nobel Laureate Jos‚ Ramos Horta of East Timor, see
Toby Shelley's Endgame in the Western Sahara, available at
http://www.africafocus.org/books/isbn.php?1842773410
++++++++++++++++++++++end editor's note+++++++++++++++++++++++
Haidar's Struggle
Stephen Zunes | October 7, 2008
Editor: John Feffer
Foreign Policy In Focus
http://www.fpif.org/fpiftxt/5578
Stephen Zunes, a Foreign Policy In Focus senior policy analyst, is
a professor of politics and chair of Middle East Studies at the
University of San Francisco. He is the co-author, along with Jacob
Mundy, of Western Sahara: Nationalism, Conflict, and International
Accountability, forthcoming in 1009 from Syracuse University Press.
Aminatou Haidar, a nonviolent activist from Western Sahara and a
key leader in her nation's struggle against the 33-year-old
U.S.-backed Moroccan occupation of her country, won this year's
Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award.
This recognition of Haidar and her nonviolent freedom campaign is
significant in that the Western Sahara struggle has often gone
unnoticed, even among many human rights activists. ...
Unfortunately, given its role in making Morocco's occupation
possible, the U.S. government has little enthusiasm for Haidar and
the visibility her winning the RFK prize gives to the whole Western
Sahara issue.
Moroccan Occupation
In 1975, the kingdom of Morocco conquered Western Sahara -- on the
eve of its anticipated independence from Spain -- in defiance of a
series of UN Security Council resolutions and a landmark 1975
decision by the International Court of Justice upholding the right
of the country's inhabitants to self-determination. With threats of
a French and American veto at the UN preventing decisive action by
the international community to stop the Moroccan invasion, the
nationalist Polisario Front launched an armed struggle against the
occupiers. The Polisario established the Sahrawi Arab Democratic
Republic in February 1976, which has subsequently been recognized
by nearly 80 countries and is a full member state of the African
Union. The majority of the indigenous population, known as
Sahrawis, went into exile, primarily in Polisario-run refugee camps
in Algeria.
Thanks in part to U.S. military aid, Morocco eventually was able to
take control of most of the territory, including all major towns.
It also built, thanks to U.S. assistance, a series of fortified
sand berms in the desert that effectively prevented penetration by
Polisario forces into Moroccan-controlled territory. In addition,
in violation of the Fourth Geneva Convention, Morocco moved tens of
thousands of settlers into Western Sahara until they were more than
twice the population of the remaining indigenous Sahrawis. Yet the
Polisario achieved a series of diplomatic victories that generated
widespread international support for self-determination and refusal
to recognize the Moroccan takeover. In 1991, the Polisario agreed
to a ceasefire in return for a Moroccan promise to allow for an
internationally supervised referendum on the fate of the territory.
Morocco, however, refused to allow the referendum to move forward.
French and American support for the Moroccan government blocked the
UN Security Council from providing the necessary diplomatic
pressure to move the referendum process forward. The Polisario,
meanwhile, recognized its inability to defeat the Moroccans by
military means. As a result, the struggle for self-determination
shifted to within the Moroccan-occupied territory, where the
Sahrawi population has launched a nonviolent resistance campaign
against the occupation.
Nonviolent Resistance
Western Sahara had seen scattered impromptu acts of open nonviolent
resistance ever since the Moroccan conquest. In 1987, for instance,
a visit to the occupied territory by a special UN committee sparked
protests in the Western Saharan capital of El AaiŁn. The success of
this major demonstration was all the more remarkable, given that
most of the key organizers had been arrested the night before and
the city was under a strict curfew. Among the more than 700 people
arrested was the 21-year-old Aminatou Haidar.
For four years she was "disappeared," held without charge or trial,
and kept in secret detention centers. In these facilities, she and
17 other Sahrawi women underwent regular torture and abuse.
Most resistance activity inside the occupied territory remained
clandestine until early September 1999, when Sahrawi students
organized sit-ins and vigils for more scholarships and
transportation subsidies from the Moroccan government. Since an
explicit call for independence would have been brutally suppressed
immediately, the students hoped to push the boundaries of dissent
by taking advantage of their relative intellectual freedom. Former
political prisoners seeking compensation and accountability for
their state-sponsored disappearances soon joined the nonviolent
vigils, along with Sahrawi workers from nearby phosphate mines and
a union of unemployed college graduates. The movement was
suppressed within a few months. Although the demands of what became
known as the first Sahrawi Intifada appeared to be nonpolitical, it
served as a test of both the Sahrawi public and the Moroccan
government. It paved the way for Sahrawis to press for bolder
demands and engage in larger protests in the future that would
directly challenge the Moroccan occupation itself.
A second Sahrawi intifada, which because known as the "Intifada
al-Istiglal" (the Intifada of Independence), began in May 2005.
Thousands of Sahrawi demonstrators, led by women and youths, took
to the streets of El AaiŁn protesting the ongoing Moroccan
occupation and calling for independence. The largely nonviolent
protests and sit-ins were met by severe repression by Moroccan
troops and Moroccan settlers. Within hours, leading Sahrawi
activists were kidnapped, including Haidar, who was brutally beaten
by Moroccan occupation forces. Sahrawi students at Moroccan
universities then organized solidarity demonstrations, hunger
strikes, and other forms of nonviolent protests. Throughout the
remainder of 2005, the intifada continued with both spontaneous and
planned protests, all of which were met with harsh repression by
Moroccan authorities.
Haidar was released within seven months as a result of pressure
from Amnesty International and the European parliament. Meanwhile,
nonviolent protests have continued, despite ongoing repression by
U.S.-supported Moroccan authorities. Despite continued
disappearances, killings, beatings, and torture, Haidar has
continued to advocate nonviolent action. In addition to organizing
efforts at home, she traveled extensively to raise awareness
internationally about the ongoing Moroccan occupation and advocate
for the Sahrawi people's right to self-determination.
U.S. Increases Backing for Morocco
As repression increased, so did U.S. support for Morocco. The Bush
administration has increased military and security assistance
five-fold and also signed a free-trade agreement. The United States
remained largely silent over the deteriorating human rights
situation in the occupied Western Sahara while heaping praise for
King Mohammed VI's domestic political and economic reforms. This
year's Republican Party platform singles out the Kingdom of Morocco
for its "cooperation and social and economic development," with no
mention of Western Sahara.
However, the occupation itself continues to prove problematic for
Morocco. The nonviolent resistance to the occupation continues.
Most of the international community, despite French and American
efforts, has refused to recognize Morocco's illegal annexation of
the territory.
As a result, the Moroccan kingdom recently advocated an autonomy
plan for the territory. The Sahrawis, with the support of most of
the world's nations, rejected the proposal since it would not allow
them the choice of independence, as all those living in
non-self-governing territories have the legal right to do.
Indeed, the autonomy plan is based on the assumption that Western
Sahara is part of Morocco, a contention that the UN, the World
Court, the African Union, and a broad consensus of international
legal opinion have long rejected. To accept Morocco's autonomy plan
would mean that, for the first time since the founding of the UN
and the ratification of the UN Charter more the 60 years ago, the
international community would be endorsing the expansion of a
country's territory by military force, thereby establishing a very
dangerous and destabilizing precedent.
In addition, Morocco's proposal contains no enforcement mechanisms,
nor are there indications of any improvement of the current poor
human rights situation. It's also unclear how much autonomy Morocco
is offering, since it would retain control of Western Sahara's
natural resources and law enforcement. In addition, the proposal
appears to indicate that all powers not specifically vested in the
autonomous region would remain with the kingdom.
Despite this, the Bush administration refers to Morocco's autonomy
plan as "credible and serious" and the "only possible solution" to
the Western Sahara conflict, further insisting that "an independent
state in the Sahara is not a realistic option." While visiting
Morocco last month, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice expressed
her support for the "good ideas" put forth by the Moroccan
occupiers. Referring to the 35-year-old conflict, she proclaimed
that "it is time that it be resolved," presumably with the Sahrawis
accepting their fate as permanently living under Moroccan rule.
Key House Democrats have weighed in support of Morocco's right of
conquest as well, with Rep. Gary Ackerman (D-NY), who chairs the
Subcommittee on the Middle East, joining Majority Leader Steny
Hoyer (D-MD) and Democratic Caucus Chair Rahm Emanuel (D-IL) in
signing a letter endorsing the autonomy plan. Prominent Republicans
signing the letter included Minority Leader John Boehner (R-OH),
House Republican Whip Roy Blunt (R-MO), and former House Speaker
Dennis Hastert (R-IL). Indeed, more than 80 of the signers are
either committee chairmen or ranking members of key committees,
subcommittees and elected leadership of the U.S. House of
Representatives, yet another indication in this post-Cold War era
of a growing bipartisan effort to undermine the longstanding
principle of the right of self-determination.
Advocacy for Haidar
The RFK Memorial Center for Human Rights' selection of Haidar --
one of the most prominent opponents of the U.S.-backed autonomy
plan -- may make it more difficult for the Bush administration to
push acceptance of the Moroccan proposal through a reluctant UN
Security Council. Ironically, the United States rejected a more
generous autonomy plan for Kosovo and instead pushed for UN
recognition of that nation's unilateral declaration of
independence, even though Kosovo was legally part of Serbia and
Western Sahara is legally a country under foreign military
occupation.
...
Senator Edward Kennedy (D-MA), brother of the slain senator for
whom the prize is named, stated, "I congratulate Aminatou Haidar
for receiving this honor. All who care about democracy, human
rights, and the rule of law for the people of the Western Sahara
are inspired by her extraordinary courage, dedication and skilled
work on their behalf."
Next Steps
Western Sahara remains an occupied territory only because Morocco
has refused to abide by a series of UN Security Council resolutions
calling on the kingdom to end their occupation and recognize the
right of the people of that territory to self-determination.
Morocco has been able to persist in its defiance of its
international legal obligations because France and the United
States, which wield veto power in the UN Security Council, have
blocked the enforcement of these resolutions. In addition, France
and the United States served as principal suppliers of the
armaments and other security assistance to Moroccan occupation
forces. As a result, at least as important as nonviolent resistance
by the Sahrawis against Morocco's occupation policies would be the
use of nonviolent action by the citizens of France, the United
States and other countries that enable Morocco to maintain its
occupation. Such campaigns played a major role in forcing the
United States, Australia, and Great Britain to cease their support
for Indonesia's occupation of East Timor. Solidarity networks have
emerged in dozens of countries around the world, most notably in
Spain and Norway, but don't yet have a major impact in the United
States, where it could matter most.
A successful nonviolent independence struggle by an Arab Muslim
people under Haidar's leadership could set an important precedent.
,,, The eventual outcome rests not just on the Sahrawis alone, but
whether the international community, particularly those of us in
the United States, decide whether such a struggle is worthy of our
support.
United Nations General Assembly, 10 October 2008 GA/SPD/400
http://www.reliefweb.int/rw/dbc.nsf/doc104?OpenForm&cc=esh
Delegates urge sustained momentum in negotiations on Western
Sahara, as Fourth Committee concludes general debate on
decolonization
Morocco Proffers Autonomy Proposal as 'Real Opportunity' to End
Deadlock; Algeria Says Reliance on Plan as Sole Basis for Talks
Would Predetermine Outcome
The Fourth Committee (Special Political and Decolonization)
concluded its general debate on decolonization issues today as
delegates called for the momentum created by the Manhasset
negotiation process on Western Sahara to be preserved so the
deadlock that had gripped the Non-Self-Governing Territory for more
than three decades could finally be broken.
Throughout the afternoon meeting, speakers saluted the political
will shown so far by Morocco and the Popular Front for the
Liberation of Saguia el-Hamra and Rio de Oro (POLISARIO Front) in
holding four rounds of talks in nine months. But many also called
for the parties to expedite the negotiations and urged the United
Nations to encourage them not to slacken their march towards a
solution.
The representative of Morocco said that, with his country's
autonomy proposal, which had been submitted to the
Secretary-General in April 2007 and had prompted the current round
of negotiations, it hoped to move forward towards a reconciled
Maghreb that was secure, prosperous and free of terrorist threats.
"The settlement Initiative presented by my country offers, today,
a real opportunity to put an end, once and for all, to this issue,
as well as to the sufferings of the camp populations, and speed up
the construction of the Maghreb where a sprit of reconciliation,
cooperation and solidarity should prevail," he said.
Citing the assessment by the Secretary-General in his April report
that realism and a spirit of compromise were essential in the
negotiations, he underlined the conclusion of Peter van Walsum, the
Secretary-General's Personal Envoy, that independence for Western
Sahara was "unrealistic". That evaluation, the Moroccan Ambassador
said, had been the outcome of three years of mediation and had been
delivered with proper judgement. As such, it should constitute the
basis for the dispute's rapid settlement.
Among those who echoed that conclusion today, Gabon's
representative said Morocco's Initiative was "courageous but
realistic". By taking into account the interests of both parties,
it could lead to a lasting settlement. Nevertheless, all parties
had to cooperate and take each other's interests into account.
The representative of Algeria, which hosts a number of Saharawi
refugees in camps in its south-western province and participated in
the negotiations as an observer, said that more than ever the
negotiation process needed the international community's support.
While the POLISARIO Front had based its position on international
legality and the United Nations Charter, Morocco had wanted to see
its autonomy proposal used as the sole basis for negotiations -- a
situation which would predetermine the outcome and the
decolonization process.
To move forward, he said efforts should concentrate on a solution
that reconciled the principles of international law with the
complexity of the issues. He noted that both parties had agreed to
a fifth round of talks, but that discussions remained unscheduled
because Morocco had yet to join consensus on the
Secretary-General's efforts to appoint a new Personal Envoy. For
its part, Algeria hoped the international community would work
towards a climate of trust through a decision that did not close
the door on a mutually acceptable solution.
Joining those countries calling for strict respect of the
inalienable right of the Saharawi people to self-determination, the
representative of Timor-Leste said such respect was the only
foundation for a resolution to the conflict, which, along with the
Palestinian conflict, was becoming one of the world's
longest-running disputes.
"There will not be peace in Western Sahara while its people are
denied their fundamental right to choose their own destiny, which
is the core of the issues and the root cause of this ongoing
conflict," he said.
....
Statements
LAZAROUS KAPAMBWE ( Zambia) said that, despite last year's great
hope and optimism regarding the "Manhasset process", subsequent
meetings had not appeared to move the parties any closer to a
resolution. The people of Western Sahara were disappointed, angry
and frustrated, which could lead to desperation and even violence.
He commended the patience of the Saharawi people during the long
negotiations, saying they deserved the empathy and assistance of
the international community, as well as the United Nations' more
active and visible role. ...
...
NELSON SANTOS (Timor-Leste) said the Timorese had suffered greatly
while trying to assert their freedom and independence, but after 24
years of struggle, their land was now among the community of
sovereign nations. The United Nations intervention had been
decisive for Timor-Leste, and he strongly believed the same
standard should be upheld for the people of Western Sahara. The
right of self-determination of Western Sahara was recognized by,
among others, the United Nations General Assembly and Security
Council. His country joined those who called for strict respect of
the inalienable right of the Saharawi people to self-determination.
Such a move was the only way to bring about a resolution to that
decades-old conflict, which, along with the Palestinian conflict,
was becoming one of the world's longest-running problems. "There
will not be peace in Western Sahara while its people are denied
their fundamental right to choose their own destiny, which is the
core of the issues and the root cause of this ongoing conflict", he
said.
He said that Timor-Leste was hopeful that all sides would cooperate
fully with the United Nations Secretary-General and with the
to-be-appointed Secretary-General's Personal Envoy. In addition,
Timor-Leste was greatly concerned about human rights abuses and the
suffering of the Saharawi people in the occupied Western Sahara.
All parties should honour their commitment to human rights and
abide by their obligations under international humanitarian law to
release, without further delay, all those held since the start of
the conflict.
...
MOURAD BENMEHIDI (Algeria) said the Committee had the opportunity
each year to take stock of the work of the United Nations in the
decolonization process, which remained incomplete. There, the
oppressed had a forum to call on the conscience of humanity to
fulfil their right to a free and dignified existence. He noted
Algeria's own decolonization history and its "glorious" struggle
for independence, which were the roots of its deep conviction and
commitment towards the cause of colonized peoples.
He said Algeria naturally identified itself with the fight for
justice in Western Sahara since the United Nations and the
International Court of Justice had clearly established the
applicability of that question to the decolonization Declaration of
1960. ... Successive reneging by Morocco of its commitments towards
the Saharawi people and the international community had plunged the
conflict into a deep lethargy, under which Morocco was able to
consolidate its illegal occupation and plunder Western Sahara's
natural resources.
... The resumption in April 2007 of the negotiation process between
the two parties had generated a new hope for a just and final
solution, and Algeria had again responded positively to the
Secretary-General's invitation to participate as an observer in the
talks. Today, it hoped that both sides could shed the burdens of
the past and the logic of imposed solutions.
Over the course of those talks, Algeria had taken stock of the
parties' true positions, he said. While the POLISARIO Front had
based its position on international legality and the United Nations
Charter, Morocco had wanted to see its autonomy proposal be used as
the sole basis of for negotiations -- a situation which would
predetermine the outcome of negotiations and the decolonization
process. That persistent obstruction to peace adversely affected
the credibility of the United Nations and the Security Council.
...
EL MOSTAFA SAHEL (Morocco) said that the issue of Western Sahara
would not be on the Committee's programme of work had it not been
for external interferences based on regional rivalries. The
historic background of the region had triggered the conflict and
continued to hinder its settlement. His delegation had circulated
a memorandum to that effect. However, he would not address those
aspects, but would instead take stock of recent developments and
address the way forward so that a reconciled Maghreb could be
relieved of terrorist threats.
Responding to appeals from the international community to end the
deadlock, he said Morocco had presented an Initiative on Autonomy
Statute for the Sahara region in April. ... There was no question
that the Initiative of autonomy created a promising turning point
in the settlement process, which had previously been deadlocked, he
said, underlining Morocco's efforts to put an end to the dispute,
as well as the need to enter into substantive negotiations, taking
into account the evolution that had occurred since the beginning of
2006. The elaborating process of the Moroccan Initiative had been
inclusive, transparent and democratic, and had involved the
"nation's forces as well as the different components of the Sahara
region".
He said that the call made by the Secretary-General's Personal
Envoy for Western Sahara, Peter van Walsum, for pragmatism when he
concluded that an independent Western Sahara was"unrealistic" had
been based on three years of mediation and four rounds of
negotiation and had reflected the Special Envoy's "honesty and
moral integrity". ...
Morocco did not understand the obstructionist and non-constructive
attitude of the other parties vis-…-vis the Personal Envoy, he
said. ... He stressed: "The settlement Initiative presented by my
country offers, today, a real opportunity to put an end, once and
for all, to this issue, as well as to the sufferings of the camp
populations, and speed up the construction of the Maghreb where a
sprit of reconciliation, cooperation and solidarity should
prevail"....
AfricaFocus Bulletin is an independent electronic publication
providing reposted commentary and analysis on African issues, with
a particular focus on U.S. and international policies. AfricaFocus
Bulletin is edited by William Minter.
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